Gender Roles

Historically, gender role refers to the behaviors, attitudes, and dispositions that are typically associated with either the male or female person social role (Money, Hampson, & Hampson, 1955), whereas gender identity refers to the psychological sense of maleness or femaleness (Stoller, 1964).

From: Handbook of Kid and Adolescent Sexuality , 2013

Gender Roles

R. Tong , in Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics (2d Edition), 2012

Abstract

Gender roles are the behaviors men and women showroom in the private and public realm. They are the sociocultural expectations that apply to individuals on the basis of their assignment to a sex category (male or female person). Usually an individual's sex is determined by how their ballocks look at nascence. Since the 1970s, when feminists in detail made a distinction between sex and gender, the prescriptive nature of socially assigned gender roles has been challenged. More recently, the prescriptive nature of socially assigned sex activity roles has also been contested. This article will focus primarily on gender roles every bit they take developed in a twentieth-century context. Some discussion of the intersection between gender roles and sexual roles will also be included.

Read full chapter

URL:

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780123739322003070

Body Epitome Development – Adult Men

H.J. Fawkner , in Encyclopedia of Body Image and Human Appearance, 2012

Gender roles

Gender roles tin be conceptualized as behavioral expectations based on biological sex. Traditionally, for men to be masculine, they are expected to display attributes such every bit strength, power, and competitiveness, and less openly display emotion and affection (particularly toward other men). Gender-role stress (or discrepancy) arises when individuals feel that they are deviating from their prescribed gender office. Both gender roles and gender-role stress take been associated with body paradigm attitudes in men. Generally speaking, men who espouse a more traditional ideology about men's roles written report a higher desire for muscularity and may feel that achieving the mesomorphic ideal is a mechanism through which they tin can meet the gender-role expectations of power and control. Furthermore, gender-role discrepancy has been associated with body dissatisfaction and higher bulldoze for muscularity.

Read full chapter

URL:

https://world wide web.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780123849250000304

Gender Part Conflict and Intersecting Identities in the Assessment and Treatment of Culturally Diverse Populations

Genevieve Canales , Sofia A. Lopez , in Handbook of Multicultural Mental Health (2d Edition), 2013

Iv Recommendations for Futurity Gender Office Conflict Research with Culturally Diverse Populations

Gender function disharmonize research with African American, Asian American, and Latino men is deficient, and scarcer still with women of colour and Native American men. The theoretical foundation of such inquiry must be based upon the cultures and values of people of color. Furthermore, qualitative studies are as of import as quantitative studies in shedding light on the complication of GRC. Ideally, qualitative research should inform the development of instruments or refinement of existing instruments for the measurement of GRC, femininity, masculinity, and other gender-related concepts in people of colour. Further, femininity-masculinity measures should appraise both positive and negative feminine characteristics and masculine characteristics. Researchers should avoid using Arrears Models or terms—a case in point is the concept, machismo, which has been described equally a deficit concept (Félix-Ortíz et al., 2012). Finally, GRC inquiry is profoundly needed with the explicit purpose of discovering treatment interventions. According to O'Neil (2008, p. 398), " no research exists on how to treat GRC in therapy, and therefore evaluated interventions are needed."

Read total affiliate

URL:

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780123944207000072

Underachievement

K.H. Kim , D.Fifty. Zabelina , in Encyclopedia of Inventiveness (Second Edition), 2011

Gender Roles

Gender role expectations may have an touch on on underachievement and creativity. Creative individuals seem to diverge from sex norms because both sensitivity, which is traditionally a feminine virtue, and independence, which is considered to exist a masculine virtue, are essential for inventiveness. Torrance indicated in 2004 that some students may sacrifice their creativity in order to maintain their masculinity or their femininity, which can lead to emotional issues and other issues for highly creative students. Teachers who are sensitive to gender issues amongst their students are in a position to soften the negative impact of sex-office stereotyping.

Read full chapter

URL:

https://www.sciencedirect.com/scientific discipline/article/pii/B9780123750389002533

Gender and Culture

Deborah L. Best , Dustin J. Foster , in Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 2004

5.1 Sex Function Ideology

Sexual activity role ideology concerns an individual'due south beliefs about men's and women's proper role relationships, ranging along a continuum from traditional to modern. The traditional finish of the continuum is characterized by behavior that men are more than "important" than women and that women should be subservient to men. Modern ideologies are more than egalitarian and are consistent with the notion that women and men are as important and that neither sexual practice has the correct to dominate the other.

Because of the juxtaposition of traditional and modern ideologies among its inhabitants, India has been a fascinating nation in which to study adult sex roles. Khavita Agarwal, David Lester, and Nisha Dhawan asked academy students in India and the United States to identify the qualities men and women should possess in their respective cultures. They constitute that North American students expressed more modern views than Indian students; all the same, across both cultures, women were more liberal (modern) than men. Rehana Ghadially conducted a more in-depth analysis of Indian women and plant that those with the most modern sexual activity role ideologies grew up in nuclear families, had educated mothers, and worked in professional disciplines.

Atsuko Suzuki conducted like studies in Japan and the Us and found instruction and job status to exist potent predictors of sex role attitudes amongst women. N American women with jobs held more than egalitarian views than women without jobs. In Japan, women with career-oriented professional jobs reported more egalitarian views than all other women.

Judy Gibbons, Deborah Stiles, and Gina Shkodriani studied attitudes toward family roles and gender amid adolescents studying in The Netherlands. The students originated from 46 dissimilar countries and formed two groups based on origin: individualistic, wealthier countries and collectivistic, less wealthy countries. Students from this second group of countries reported more traditional attitudes than students from the outset group, and across both groups, boys reported more traditional attitudes than girls.

In studies of sex part ideology, the The states has often served as a comparison group, and the beliefs of U.S. adults are more often than not plant to exist more liberal than those of adults of other nations. However, this was non the case in a 14-country report of the attitudes of university students by Williams and All-time. Northern European countries (i.eastward., The Netherlands, Germany, Finland, and England) had the most mod ideologies, the near traditional attitudes were found in African and Asian countries (i.east., Nigeria, Pakistan, Bharat, Japan, and Malaysia), and the United States was in the middle of the distribution. With the exception of Malaysia and Pakistan, women reported more modern attitudes than men. However, inside a given country, men's and women's sexual activity function ideology scores were highly similar; that is, greater differences existed between cultural groups (men and women combined) than within cultural groups (men compared to women).

In cross-cultural inquiry it is necessary to show that differences betwixt cultural groups are related to other cultural variables earlier 1 can conclude that the differences of involvement are due to cultural factors. In the 14-country study noted previously, sexual practice role credo scores were related to socioeconomic evolution, supporting the part of cultural factors. Specifically, sex role credo scores were more modern in more than adult nations, in countries in which Christianity was more predominant, in more than urbanized countries, and in countries at higher latitudes (i.eastward., countries at higher breadth tend to have greater socioeconomic evolution).

Read full chapter

URL:

https://www.sciencedirect.com/scientific discipline/commodity/pii/B0126574103002117

Sex-role Evolution and Education

Chiliad. Nunner-Winkler , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

1.3 Sociostructural Level

Gender stereotypes and role obligations influence career option and commitment to the occupational sphere. In consequence, there is a loftier gender segregation of the workforce. The proportion of women is over xc per centum in some fields (east.g., secretary, receptionist, kindergarten-teacher) and less than 5 percent in others (eastward.g., mechanic, airplane airplane pilot). Jobs that are considered women's work tend to offer fewer opportunities for advancement, less prestige, and lower pay than jobs occupied primarily past men. Worldwide the gender gap in average wage is 30–forty percent and it shows piddling sign of closing. Top positions in economy, politics, and sciences are almost exclusively filled past men, and part-time working is nearly exclusively a female person phenomenon. Both men and women tend to hold negative attitudes towards females in authority. Women entering male person occupations are critically scrutinized, males entering female person occupations (e.thousand., nursing) in contrast easily win acceptance and promotion.

Read full chapter

URL:

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B0080430767024037

Integrating Gender-Related Issues into Research on Work and Family1

Karen Korabik , ... Dara B. Chappell , in Handbook of Piece of work-Family Integration, 2008

GENDER-ROLE ORIENTATION

Some other gender-role construct that has been overlooked in the WF literature is gender-office orientation. Because previous research has used demographic gender as a proxy for gender-role orientation, an examination of gender-office orientation might explain some of the puzzling differences betwixt men and women that have been establish in the WF literature.

Gender-part orientation is conceptualized equally a bidimensional construct. The two underlying dimensions are instrumentality (besides known every bit masculinity or agency) and expressivity (likewise known as femininity or communion). Individuals who are sex-typed are socialized to accept more characteristics from one dimension than the other (Bem, 1974). Thus, those high on expressivity and depression on instrumentality are labeled feminine, while those high on instrumentality and low on expressivity are considered to exist masculine. Androgynous individuals are to a higher place the medians on both dimensions, whereas undifferentiated individuals are below the medians on both dimensions (Korabik, 1999). Masculine and feminine individuals will interpret, evaluate, and organize information in terms of traditional gender-function appropriateness (e.g., women should be responsible for housework and men should financially support the family through paid employment; Bern, 1981). Androgynous and undifferentiated people have a weak gender schema and, therefore, do not categorize information according to gender ceremoniousness (Bern, 1981).

Livingston and Burley (1991) did not find a significant relationship between gender-role orientation and time to come expectations of WF conflict in a sample of university students from the U.s.a.. Past dissimilarity, we examined the human relationship between gender-role orientation and nowadays experiences of WF conflict in a written report conducted in Canada with 27 men and 49 women who were members of dual-earner couples with children (McElwain, Korabik & Chappell, 2004). Nosotros found no gender-role orientation differences in WIF, which was not surprising considering that all participants were employed full time. Moreover, there were no significant master furnishings or interactions as a function of demographic gender. Interestingly, both men and women who were high in instrumentality had significantly lower levels of FIW than those low in instrumentality. However, a meaning interaction was found, indicating that the event of instrumentality on FIW varied equally a function of expressivity. Regardless of their demographic gender, feminine individuals had the highest levels of FIW, followed past masculine and undifferentiated participants. Individuals who were androgynous (high in both instrumentality and expressivity) had the lowest levels of FIW. The high levels of FIW experienced by feminine individuals could be due to the high priority these men and women put on the family domain (Thompson, 2002). However, androgynous individuals are as high in expressivity as feminine individuals, so they would also be expected to exist family unit-oriented. Just, they would likely residue this past putting an equally high priority on the piece of work domain. Moreover, loftier levels of conflict and distress are atypical of androgynous individuals who are usually able to conform to, cope with, and perform successfully in, a wide variety of social situations (Bem, 1981).

Read full chapter

URL:

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780123725745500156

Sex Function Development and Education

Angel Nga-Man Leung , Henry KS Ng , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2d Edition), 2015

Gender Office Expectations, from the Education System to Work

Gender office expectations touch on how males or females perform in educational settings. "Test performance depends on the exam taker's characteristics, besides every bit the test taker's interpretation of the testing situation" (Massa et al., 2005: p. 109). It has been found that for an embedded test on spatial ability, when men'south performance was not affected past their gender function, females who held feminine role performed improve when the same embedded test was framed as measuring empathy; on the other hand, when the test is framed as measuring spatial power, females who held masculine office performed better (Massa et al., 2005 ). This suggested that gender role is highly relevant to how students view themselves, which may then impact how confident (or well) they perform on cognitive tests in certain means to brand their performance consequent with their assigned gender roles. Stereotype threat may hinder i's educational performances. When women are presented with stereotype threat that women did worse compared with men on a test on math ability, they tended to perform less well ( Spencer et al., 1999).The internalized stereotype threat may not but hinder one's performance in schools but too influence the choices males and females make in education.

Despite the fact that differences in actual exam scores in math or science tests between male and female students are pocket-sized, female students tend not to be every bit confident as male students in their performance in math or science. Pressley and McCormick (2007) summarized a number of findings and suggested that parents and teachers tend to 'cooperate' in decreasing girls' conviction in math or science subjects. For instance, parents tend to offer less aid to their daughters than sons; they tend to undermine their daughters' abilities in math and science subjects simply care nearly and encourage their sons' performance in math or scientific discipline subjects more than. Teachers also tend to give less help to girls in grade and are more than responsive to boys' questions. Boys on average received more interactions with teachers for science or math classes.

For a long period, people held strong stereotypes toward educations for males and females. Compared with boys, more girls are illiterate, do not have access to education, or have narrower choices of education (Silberstang, 2011). This may be related to gender stereotype, cultural ideology, or religious practice. More women are doing lower paid jobs or earning less than men. In less than 100 years ago, women were expected to have 'woman subjects', such as abode economics only. In developed countries where gender equality is emphasized, females were gradually encouraged to accept up more professional jobs such as social work and educational activity (Silberstang, 2011). In 2010, although females graduated with bachelor degrees in the United States outnumbered males (954 891 women vs 713 336 men), 'sex activity tendencies' in professionals are nevertheless present. In the United States, men graduated with the more traditionally 'male' subjects, such as degrees in figurer and engineering science, outnumbering women for 4 to 5 times, while women graduated with the more traditionally 'female' subjects, such equally psychology and outnumbered men for three to 4 times (National Science Foundation, 2010).

Women working in traditionally 'male-dominated' settings, such as engineering, may also confront more difficulties as stereotypes on women being less competent in these professionals are still held. If women practice non perform exceptionally well in 'male-dominated' industries or professionals, they would be viewed equally incompetent; nevertheless, if they excel, they would be viewed as selfish, cold, and not being welcomed past colleagues (Dean, 2006). Despite the fact that more females than males are awarded with bachelor degrees, fewer females get faculty in academia or take upwardly senior executives postal service (Silberstang, 2011). For instance, the most 'productive' time for junior faculty members to accumulate publications for attaining tenure collides with the most 'reproductive' time of female kinesthesia members. Rhoads (2010) argued that when both males and females are entitled to maternity leave, male person kinesthesia members can make utilize of the leave to produce papers, while female person kinesthesia members cannot as they accept to bear out duties as mothers. The worst characterization to a woman is 'being a bad mother' (Chrisler, 2013). Both the gender office stereotypes on women'due south abilities and the biological limitations that females have shorter reproductive menstruation compared with men may consequence in a drinking glass ceiling effect in workplace. Women are more often to face with challenges in piece of work–life–family residuum every bit they are expected to be nurturing, kind, and less motivated to earn money only be more than interested in family unit life. Such widely held beliefs strengthen the preexisting gender inequality from schools to workplace. The biological limitations, gender stereotypes, and cultural expectations for women to devote more time and energy on the 'mother track' would ultimately affect women's up mobility.

Read full chapter

URL:

https://world wide web.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780080970868920142

Biosocial Construction of Sexual practice Differences and Similarities in Beliefs

Wendy Wood , Alice H. Eagly , in Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 2012

5.1.2 Effects of gender identity on beliefs

Gender roles likewise create sex differences in behavior when people adopt them every bit gender identities. Masculine and feminine identities guide behavior through self-regulatory processes. That is, people use their gender identity as a personal standard by against which to evaluate and guide their behavior ( Moretti & Higgins, 1999; Wood, Christensen, Hebl, & Rothgerber, 1997).

Just as agency and communion are typical themes of social expectations, people commonly internalize aspects of gender roles involving bureau and communion (Wood & Eagly, 2009). Men on average describe themselves as relatively agentic, and women on average describe themselves as relatively communal, every bit shown by Twenge'south (1997b) meta-analysis of gender identity measures that appraise self-reports in these traits (e.g., Bem, 1974; Spence & Helmreich, 1978). People besides may adopt other aspects of gender roles. For example, women may retrieve of themselves as bonded to others in close relationships, whereas men may think of themselves as contained withal linking to others through teams and organizations (Cantankerous & Madson, 1997; Gardner & Gabriel, 2004). In addition, people define themselves past sexual practice-typical vocations, activities, and interests (Lippa, 2005).

On average, men'southward and women's behavior corresponds to their gender identities. For example, Athenstaedt (2003) constitute that women more than men engaged in feminine behaviors (e.g., taking intendance of a friend, telling partner about troubles at work) and men more than women engaged in masculine behaviors (e.one thousand., fixing the car, paying for dinner). In addition, for both sexes, having a communal identity was associated with feminine behaviors and having an agentic identity with masculine behaviors (see too meta-analysis by Taylor & Hall, 1982). Also, in experience-sampling diary research of everyday social interactions, more masculine individuals showed greater bureau in their interactions and more than feminine individuals showed greater communion (Witt & Wood, 2010). In other research, people with gender-stereotypical vocational and leisure interests preferred hobbies and activities typical of their own sex (Lippa, 2005).

Self-regulation of gender identities proceeds in stages, get-go with testing the extent to which current behavior is progressing toward gender standards (e.chiliad., Carver & Scheier, 2008). Consequent with Bem'due south (1981) gender schema theory, people may be particularly sensitive to information relevant to their own gender identities and may closely attend to, procedure, and recall gender-related behaviors and other information. When they perceive closer matches between their beliefs and standards, people feel positive emotions and increased self-esteem. In dissimilarity, interim and so as to increase mismatches produces negative emotions and decreased esteem.

In prove of the function of emotions in regulation, people with stronger gender identities experienced a heave in positive affect and cocky-esteem when they conformed more to their gender standards (Witt & Wood, 2010; Woods et al., 1997). Specifically, men with a stronger masculine identity felt amend nearly themselves subsequently recalling recent interactions in which they acted dominant and believing, whereas women with a stronger feminine identity felt ameliorate later recalling interactions in which they acted nurturant (Forest et al., 1997, Written report 1). A similar pattern emerged in this research when participants vicariously imagined themselves in a series of pictures depicting ascendant and assertive interactions (eastward.g., directing others at a chore) or nurturance (east.one thousand., comforting a friend). The self-concept plays a fundamental role in this process. When asked to depict themselves, participants with stronger gender identities endorsed cocky-attributes (e.k., being powerful, beingness sensitive) that were less discrepant from the attributes they ideally would like to possess or believed they ought to possess (Woods et al., 1997, Study two). These discrepancy scores betwixt individuals' actual and ideal or ought selves announced in Fig. ii.three. Thus, acting in gender-typical ways reduced the discrepancy between actual self-concepts and self standards.

Figure two.three. Masculine men and feminine women have smaller discrepancies between actual self and desired selves after acting in gender-consequent ways.

 Adjusted from Wood et al. (1997).

Emotion is of import in self-regulation because it serves as a signal to guide future beliefs. When beliefs is discrepant from desired standards, the resulting bad feelings betoken the need to shift behavior to bring it more in line with the standard. People thus use emotions as feedback about whether they need to change their behavior in the hereafter. To illustrate this change in behavior, Josephs, Markus, and Tafarodi (1992) provided men and women with feedback that they had failed at an initial chore. When the task was gender typical (compared with a gender-atypical chore), high cocky-esteem men predicted greater success at future competitive achievement tasks, and loftier cocky-esteem women predicted greater success at futurity interpersonal tasks (Josephs et al., 1992). Past channeling their subsequent beliefs in this style, high self-esteem people could ensure that they more closely matched their favorable gender cocky-concept in the future.

Subsequent inquiry indicated that people spontaneously brand comparisons betwixt their gender identities and their behavior in daily life (Witt & Woods, 2010). In a diary study conducted across 2 weeks, participants with a strong agentic identity increased self-esteem and positive feelings following social interactions in which they acted in agentic ways. Similarly, participants with a strong communal identity showed heightened self-esteem and positive feelings after interactions involving communal actions. Thus, for participants with stiff gender identities, acting in line with that identity—communion for feminine identities and authority for masculine ones—boosted positive emotions and aligned their actual selves more closely with their desired selves. In this way, positive feelings can point regulatory success from acting in accord with a valued gender identity, and negative feelings can bespeak failure from acting inconsistently with the identity.

Gender standards practise not, however, e'er enhance well-beingness. People may experience that gender role standards are imposed by others so that they are pressured to act in gender-typical ways (Sanchez & Crocker, 2005). Children also may feel pressured by peers and parents to suit to gender function expectations (Egan & Perry, 2001). These external pressures are linked to lowered self-esteem and well-being in adults and children (Egan & Perry, 2001; Good & Sanchez, 2010). In contrast with this potential for gender office standards to accept a negative influence on individuals, stronger feminine identity typically is associated with greater well-beingness among women, and stronger masculine identity with greater well-being amongst men (DiDonato & Berenbaum, 2011). All the same, masculine identity in the class of a greater personal sense of agency promotes well-beingness in both women and men (DiDonato & Berenbaum, 2011; Whitley, 1983). In Witt and Forest's (2010) enquiry, the highest levels of cocky-esteem were reported when people with either a strong masculine or feminine identity acted consistently with this identity. Thus, gender identities part similar other cocky-regulatory guides to beliefs, and specially when the motivation to conform to them arises from personal, autonomous sources, they can promote well-beingness.

Consistent with the logic of cocky-regulation, the greater importance that women identify on close relationships links their identity especially closely to the standards of valued others. Girls are probable to develop cocky-standards based on parents' and close friends' evaluations and self-regulate to these standards, whereas boys are more than likely to develop self-standards that are independent of close others (Moretti & Higgins, 1999). As these researchers found, women experienced more negative affect than men when their personal beliefs was discrepant from valued others' standards. Women's reliance on others for self-definition is role of the larger phenomenon in which women's well-being is closely tied to the quality of their close relationships. Thus, being married is beneficial for both sexes, but women experience more than emotional lows with poor relationships and emotional benefits from good ones than practise men (Forest, Rhodes, & Whelan, 1989). Concrete health outcomes yield the aforementioned pattern: Both sexes do good from marriage, simply women bear witness peculiarly negative outcomes from marital distress (Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001).

Even though gender identities, on boilerplate, foster sex-typical behavior, they as well promote variability in sex activity differences because these identities differ across individuals and situations. The forcefulness of gender identities tin can be affected by situational cues such as the sex of an interaction partner (e.1000., Leszczynski & Strough, 2008) or being a solo representative of 1's sexual practice in a group (east.g., Sekaquaptewa & Thompson, 2002). Also, identities based on other group memberships intersect with gender identity. Therefore, some researchers at present emphasize how identities pertaining to qualities such as race, ethnicity, social form, disability, and sexual orientation intersect gender identities and account for private differences among women or men (Cole, 2009; Landrine & Russo, 2010; Shields, 2008). In general, research on gender identities has illuminated not only full general trends for women to display communion and men agency simply as well contexts in which some women behave in masculine ways and some men behave in feminine ways. Gender identity thus contributes, along with social expectations, to variation in masculine and feminine behaviors.

Read full chapter

URL:

https://world wide web.sciencedirect.com/scientific discipline/article/pii/B9780123942814000027

Perversions, Sexual (Paraphilias)

Oyedeji Ayonrinde , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd Edition), 2015

Nature and Nurture of Sexuality

Gender roles vary in different societies. While men and women accept equal rights and opportunities in some, men dominate in others and rarely do women control the administration of a community. Hofstede described the dimensions of 'masculinity–femininity' in human groups. In high masculinity societies women have restricted opportunities in vocation or societal hierarchy. There are higher degrees of individualism, financial advantage, and limited support for the weaker in these groups. Conversely, feminine societies are human relationship oriented and focus less on emotional or social differentiation. Individualistic societies with less restricted or hierarchal structures may take a greater expression of paraphilias. Such expression may not point the truthful prevalence nevertheless.

Sexual practices may follow set cultural scripts that both promote and discourage unlike types of sexual behavior (Reiss).

Sociocultural scripts of sexual behavior may exist inborn biological (nature) or may exist acquired (nurture and environmental). Cultural transmission of sexual roles and behaviors may exist age, gender, or position specific through folklore, vocal, trip the light fantastic, or depiction in artwork. Societies may limit or promote behavior through rites of passage into manhood – for example, affirmation of a female person partner's virginity with blood-stained sheets subsequently the consummation of marriage.

Segall et al. (1999) argue that the role of nature (biology) indicating sexual attraction and arousal are biological processes, involving cognitions, nerve transmissions, and physiological changes earlier sexual practice. These important biological mechanisms play a key role in the process and manifestation of normal and paraphilic behaviors in all societies. Prove supports the role of biological, cultural, and individual factors in the evolution of paraphilias. The weight given to each component remains uncertain and will exist explored further in this commodity.

Read full chapter

URL:

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780080970868270487